|Refereed full papers are linked: Hodges; Baker & Manning -- see links below. See also Crowley.||Emmanuel College,
University of Queensland
Friday 17 July 1998
the concluding activity of the 1998 Australian Linguistic Institute, Brisbane, from 29 June 1998.
for electronic publication of papers.
While lexicographers have often seen themselves as "harmless drudges", scholars have increasingly pointed out that there are many aspects of lexicography that are inherently political. The recent writings of Mühlhäusler, in fact, argue that lexicography (and other acts of linguistic description) constitute "a very serious trespass on the linguistic ecology of an area", which can ultimately lead to their demise.
My paper will critically examine views such as these, in the context
of community expectations of lexicographical researchers. Much lexicographical
research on the indigenous languages of the greater Pacific region has in the
past been geared towards satisfying the needs and interests of academics, but
there is greater expectation now that we must also satisfy the needs of
researched communities. A range of options are suggested for making
dictionaries more accessible to speakers of languages, yet at the same time
meeting the requirements for academically respectable published dictionaries.
Terry Crowley <email@example.com> Department of General and Applied Linguistics University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton New Zealand Phone: +64-7-856 2889 Voicemail: +64-7-838 4466 and dial 8180 when asked Fax +64-7-838 4932 (note new fax number)
Over the past four years I have prepared New Zealand editions of three dictionaries for Oxford University Press, the New Zealand Oxford School Dictionary (second edition 1995), the New Zealand Pocket Oxford Dictionary (second edition 1997), and the New Zealand Oxford Paperback Dictionary (in press). In this paper I will discuss some of the more problematic aspects of adapting pre-existing dictionary texts for New Zealand users, focusing especially on loanwords from Maori and the representation of their pronunciation and orthography. I will also present some findings from my lexicographical work concerning the relationship between the distinctive Australian English and New Zealand English vocabularies, in terms of their relative size and the degree of overlap between them.
Associate Professor Tony Deverson Department of English, University of Canterbury Private Bag 4800, Christchurch New Zealand Telephone +64-3-364 2987 extension 7907 (Home +64-3-348 8014) Fax +64-3-364 2065; e-mail: <firstname.lastname@example.org>
This paper provides a critique of English dictionaries claiming international status and validity for their lexicon. The claim may be explicit, as in WEBSTER'S THIRD NEW INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY and/or implicit through the absence of reference to regional limits, as in OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY. Erewhon lexicography is particularly associated with the so-called D-nations among those using a pluricentric language (Clyne, 1992); whereas region-specific dictionaries arise as the response of O-nations, such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa. Commercial interests tend to reinforce these trends, so that D-nations often have well-developed marketing systems worldwide and can hope to address multinational readerships; whereas the distribution networks for O-nations are not usually strong outside their own borders and they do best by concentrating on the local market.
The internationality or regionality of a dictionary is expressed to a greater or lesser extent through its use of regional labels. More powerful though subliminal is the effect of the absence of labels on the bulk of words which belong to what the dictionary- makers regard as the unmarked variety for their primary readership. Regional lexicographers usually affirm a local standard (as in the case of Australian English for the Macquarie Dictionary), while the more internationally inclined lexicographers tend to assume that their own variety is the global standard (Willinski, 1994). Few lexicographers to date have systematically considered the limits on standard British and American English (Ilson, 1985). The issues are complex, intertwined with fundamental questions as whether "an Americanism/Briticism" is to be defined exclusively or inclusively.
How far do the major L1 and L2 dictionaries go in acknowledging these
problems in regional variation in English, and dealing with them?
The data for this paper come from 8 "international" dictionaries:
It will be argued that the most genuinely international of these dictionaries are those which are most explicit about regional variation, and display sensitivity to the regional limits of any usage. This is more evident among the L2 than the L1 dictionaries, which remain the stronghold of erewhon lexicography.
Pam Peters Linguistics, Macquarie University <email@example.com> Postal address: Department of Linguistics C5A Macquarie University NSW 2109 Telephone number: 02 9850 8773 Equipment needed: OH projector
This project is now at last well under way, with a grant from the Australian Academy of the Humanities enabling the employment of a research fellow at the Dictionary Research Centre of Macquarie University to act as co-ordinator during a pilot phase of two years (1998--1999). Early next year research funding will be sought to establish a Survey of Australian Placenames on a long-term basis from 2000 onwards. After the publication of the Australian National Dictionary and with the Australian Dictionary of Biography steadily under way, this represents the last to be tackled of the "big three" humanistic research projects fundamental to national identity.
Building on the work of the Committee for Geographical Names in Australia, which is concerned with matters of mapping and standardisation, the Survey will add a historical and linguistic dimension, collecting together all that is known or can be discovered about the circumstances and motivation behind the naming of every place in Australia.
It is envisaged that the primary resource created will be a database able to be accessed and interrogated remotely using a variety of tools, but a number of static products, both paper and electronic, will also be published. In the first instance we plan to publish a Concise Dictionary of some 10,000--12,000 names of major habitations and geographical features in 2000 or 2001 in order to formally launch the work of the Survey proper.
The main tasks to be tackled during the pilot phase in order to provide a sound foundation for the work of the Survey as a whole (which is expected to extend over several decades) include:
We in Australia have an advantage in coming to this undertaking relatively late in that we are able to draw on the experience of the long-established English Place-Name Survey as well as work carried out more recently in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and Eire. More directly comparable in respect of the mixture of indigenous and imported languages and high proportion of names transferred qua names (of people or places) rather than as meaningful vocabulary elements at the time of naming are the situations in the United States, Canada, and South Africa. I shall say something about what is currently happening on the toponymic world in each of those places, and also describe the supranational functions of the United Nations Committee of Experts on Geographic Names and the International Council of Onomastic Sciences.
In summary, my aim is nakedly to capture the imagination and engage the
enthusiasm of all members of Australex for this ambitious and exciting
Flavia Hodges <firstname.lastname@example.org> Dictionary Research Centre, Macquarie University Postal address: School of ELM, Macquarie University, NSW 2106 Telephone number: 02 9850 7937 Equipment needed: Overhead projector
The treatment of regional terms in Australian dictionaries of English follows the evolution of attitudes to and knowledge of Australian English.
In dictionaries used in Australia until the early 1980s regional labelling meant labelling words that were not British English. This reflected the stage when Australian English was mainly studied for its differences from British English. With the growing awareness that Australian English is worth studying in its own right came Australia-focused dictionaries, The Macquarie Dictionary, and the Australian Oxford and Collins dictionaries. Regional labelling now meant labelling words that were not Australian English.
The next step was the recognition that there are systematic regional differences within Australian English. The Macquarie has reflected this by including comprehensive coverage of regional words in its third edition (1997). Regional labelling now means both labelling words that are not Australian English, and labelling words that are regional within Australia.
At first labelling for region within Australia was confined to labelling by State (e.g. Ramson 1989:73). However the third edition of the Macquarie drew on the results of an Australia-wide survey of native speakers of Australian English, which found that usage regions of Australian English are not co-extensive with the States (Bryant 1985, 1989a&b, 1992). This meant that regional words could be labelled for region, not just for State. This is more accurate as most regional words are not distributed by State.
This is a departure from the way dictionaries usually collect their material, from written sources, which provide the most efficient way of collecting material for every aspect of the lexicon other than regional words. Collecting regional material from native speakers who have lived in their home towns all their lives avoids the disadvantages of relying exclusively on written material, e.g. not knowing where the author comes from (Bryant 1993). Written sources can then be used in conjunction with live sources.
The nature of regional variation in Australia is also taken into account in the Macquarie. The two classes of regional words, obligatory and elective, which were found in the survey (Bryant 1997), are distinguished and treated in different ways.
There are several reasons why regional words should be included in dictionaries of Australian English, even though they form a relatively minor part of the vocabulary of the language:
Bryant, Pauline 1989a. Regional variation in the Australian English lexicon. In Collins, Peter and Blair, David (eds) Australian English. St Lucia, Queensland: University of Queensland Press. 301-314.
Bryant, Pauline 1989b The South-East lexical usage region of Australian English. Australian Journal of Linguistics 9.1. 85 134.
Bryant, Pauline 1992 Eastern mainland sub-regions of Australian English. In Dutton, T., Ross, M. and Tryon, D. (eds) The Language Game: Papers in Memory of Donald C. Laycock. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics Series C, No. 110. 57 74.
Bryant, Pauline 1993 Regional variation in the lexicon of Australian English. In Peters, P.H. (ed.) Style on the Move: Proceedings of Style Council 92. Sydney: Macquarie University. 31 45.
Bryant, Pauline 1997 A dialect survey of the lexicon of Australian English. English World-Wide 18.2. 211 241.
Bryant, Pauline Forthcoming Australian English: A Dialect Survey of the Lexicon. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ramson, W.S. 1989 Regionalisms in Australian English: the value of newspaper evidence. Australian Journal of Linguistics 9.1. 73 84.
Pauline Bryant <email@example.com> Nungara Consultants, Canberra PO Box 123, Jamison ACT 2614 Tel 02 6251 1274 Fax 02 6251 7424 Overhead projector needed
Illustrated in part by recently completed Ngiyampaa Wordworld 1: Thipingku yuwi, maka ngiya, names of birds and other words. There will also be some discussion of issues thrown up by using Shoebox 2 with MDF in the first instance to make this.
Heads for entries in the Ngiyampaa dictionary project comprise all forms recognised as Ngiyampaa which I learned from a small group of speakers, now almost all deceased, over a twenty year association. They also include assimilated words recognised as coming from other languages if they have been formally assimilated, or drawn on regularly in particular Ngiyampaa contexts, eg as euphemisms.
What is unusual about the project is that it attempts to site the speakers' use of the Ngiyampaa forms within their whole wordworld as speakers of particular ranges of English and understanders and/or speakers of ranges of other languages. It shows for instance when speakers were not able to provide English glosses for whatever of a range of reasons, as well as their own particular glosses and definitions.
The paper will discuss the kinds of novel information presented and
the rationale behind the presentation, and illustrate its usefulness,
including to younger Ngiyampaa people who are not 'right-through' speakers or
not speakers at all, whether they are looking for linguistic connection or
understanding of their history.
Tamsin Donaldson <firstname.lastname@example.org> Research Fellow, AIATSIS postal address: AIATSIS, GPO Box 553, Canberra, ACT 2601 tel.: 02 62461144 equipment: overhead projector for transparencies, and cassette taperecorder capable of recording as well as playback
There are a range of existing tools for gathering dictionary information, most notably those developed by SIL (MacLex, Shoebox). However, it is notable that the majority of people on the ground assembling dictionaries actually do not use them, but rather keep their dictionary entries as text files, and edit them with a word processor or text editor. This has many disadvantages: there is no control on the uniformity or layout of entries; the interpretation of information in entries is often vague, even if an attempt is made to use markup tags (see further below); there is no way to put speech and pictures or drawings into the dictionary; there is no support for linking between related words; and the purely textual representation of the dictionary means that any changes in transcription practices must be applied by hand to the entire dictionary. While the text-file dictionary is a useful description of the lexicon, it cannot be easily manipulated by computer, and cannot be easily used by potential dictionary customers (Austin and Nathan 1992).
One of our research goals is to gain the benefits of a more structured dictionary representation while making it easy enough to use and to import and export from that people will actually choose to use it.
As a first step towards this goal, we're building a FileMakerPro template for building and maintaining dictionaries. FileMakerPro is a very easy to use database program, which runs on Macs and PCs, and which provides the ability to store speech, pictures, and video, as well as text. The database is very easy to use and update, includes help files, and we are building facilities for importing and exporting data. Our aim is that we should be able to take a dictionary built within the database and be able to produce a typeset-quality printed dictionary without any human intervention.
We will be demonstrating the FMP 4 version using data which has been taken from text file and FOSF file wordlists of Ngalakgan and Kaurna. FMP 4 supports dynamic relational links between files, so the Template contains 8 files: a central Definitions file, a Headwords file, and Examples file, and some ancillary files: Cognates, Dialect variants, See also, Attributes, and Domains. The separation of types of information into a word allows the hierarchy to be maintained (ex. 1):
This kind of structure is needed to maintain the integrity of the relationship between words, sense, and illustrations of senses. Consider the following example. In Ngalakgan, there is a word birn which has two primary meanings, (1) 'stone, rock, hill' and (2) 'money'. The word(-form) is therefore part of the Headwords file, with an ID number of (say) 23 (ex. 2). The senses of the word are entered as separate records in the Definitions file. Each has its own unique ID number (ex. 3). Each of these senses can have associated examples (ex. 4):
The organisation of the FMP template keeps these relationships structured and prevents inconsistencies creeping in through variation in the conventions of writing entries. Furthermore, a text file download from FMP can maintain this structure, since separate, related files can be downloaded simultaneously.
We believe the template has the potential to be a useful tool for lexicographic documentation and archiving, with clear advantages over current options for a range of users.
(1) record1 word ID1 --------------- record2 word ID2 --------------- recordn word ID23: WID23 def ID 23 WID23 def 24 WID23 def 25: example ID 23 example ID 24 example ID 25 (2) birn ID 23 (3) WID23 def 24: 'stone, rock, hill' WID23 def 25: 'money' (4) WID23 def 24 example ID 23 'gu-birn yini-woh-wo' 'you gave us money' WID23 def 25 example ID 24 'gu-birn ngu-ngalh-miny 'I climbed the hill'
Christopher Manning <email@example.com> & Brett Baker <firstname.lastname@example.org> Dept of Linguistics, University of Sydney address: c/- Dept of Linguistics, F12, University of Sydney, NSW 2006 phone: 02 9351 4348 equip: computer projection equipment?
This paper arises from work I did attempting to find etymologies for names of vineyards derived from Aboriginal languages (Mayo 1991). Since most of the vineyards are in reasonably well-watered areas, whose Aboriginal owners have long since been dispossessed of land and language, it provided a useful base for assessing the possibilities for finding etymologies for such place-names, when the only sources are written.
Problems of interpretation arise from:
Jane Simpson <jhs@REMOVEmail.usyd.edu.au>> Affiliation University of Sydney Equipment needed Overhead projector
Although dictionaries should display some established non-language specific macro- and microstructural patterns they should also reflect language specific characteristics - either in a conventional or in an innovative way. In many dictionaries, even those aimed at learners, the demand on the knowledge of the target user is excessive and his/her interests are poorly served. It is often a matter of lexicographers relying on the presumed intuition of their users instead of offering them an explicit display of much needed information. The lexicographer is the mediator between theoretical linguistics and the everyday language user. It is therefore important that a dictionary should convey enough information to satisfy the needs of the user and it should present the information in such a way that the relevant linguistic patterns and peculiarities of the target language can be emphasised. Within the boundaries of metalexicographical criteria a lexicographer should also be innovative enough to apply and adapt the theoretical insights, which are not language specific, to a specific language. A comprehensive learner's dictionary in particular has to give a representative account of that section of the lexicon that has a high usage frequency. A typical example from Sepedi, a Bantu language spoken in South Africa, will be analysed in this regard: Currently available dictionaries fail to include and lexicographically treat highly used verbs ending in -e (normal pattern -a). Analysis of concordance lines from a 1.5 million corpus such as (1) reveal a complex set of positive and negative meanings as in (2). The typical target user does not have the linguistic apparatus to distinguish between the different types of verbs and meanings. These verbs are not treated in dictionaries, firstly because it is regarded as a grammatical issue to be solved and explained in grammar books and secondly lexicographers were unable to meet the challenge of designing a convention which could capture the diversity of meaning in a simple user-friendly way. Dedicated "reverse engineering" on (1) and linguistic analysis should be done in order to arrive at a complex dictionary entry such as (2) in which at least all different meanings are accounted for. A convention must be designed which is powerful enough to accommodate all the different meanings; short and compact; still reasonably user friendly; enable the user to clearly distinguish between positive and negative meanings and act as a bridge for the inexperienced user to the mini-grammar and detailed grammatical discussion of the verb in grammar books. Convention (3) is designed from (2a) and (4) from (2b). (3) and (4) can even be combined to render (5) which is still reasonable user-friendly. (3)-(5) reflect a series of lemmatic and sublemmatic addressing procedures. Within the theory of lexicography, provision has already been made for both sublemmas and a sublemmatic addressing procedure, cf. Hausmann & Wiegand (1989:349). The introduction of more than one address in an article leads to topic switching with the new address being the new topic of the lexicographical treatment. A sublemma also becomes a topic. In an article with nested sublemmas there is a continuous topic switching which allows a full lexicographical treatment of each one of the sublemmas. This enables the lexicographer to give a balanced account of a representative selection of the lexicon, including multiword lexical items. Examples & references:
*D.J. Prinsloo <email@example.com> Department of African Languages, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, 0002. South Africa. Tel: 27-12-420-2320 Fax: 27-12-420-3163 and R.H. Gouws, Department of Afrikaans and Dutch, University of Stellenbosch, Private Bag X1 Matieland 7602. South Africa (*= To whom correspondence should be addressed)
Australex home page
© 1998 Australex
Maintained by: David Nash
Date created: 30 April 1998 Last modified: 29 June 1999